Tag: Russian Revolution

  • “There are no revolutions in well-governed countries” – British film and the Russian Revolution

    “There are no revolutions in well-governed countries” – British film and the Russian Revolution

    In this blog, Rob James explores how the events of the 1917 Russian Revolution impacted British film production in the mid-twentieth century. Rob tells us that the chance of a film being made depicting those tumultuous events depended on how they were presented. If the film demonstrated any sympathy towards the revolutionaries, then a ban was inevitable. Rob’s research covers society’s leisure activities and how they were shaped and controlled from both within and outside the entertainment industry. His research feeds into a number of optional and specialist modules that he teaches in the second and third year.

    Still from the film Princess Charming (1934)
    Still from the film Princess Charming (1934)

    In the 1934 film Princess Charming, produced by Michael Balcon, one of Britain’s leading filmmakers at the time, Captain Launa, the upper-class suitor of the eponymous Princess, criticised the Bolshevik revolutionary activity taking place in the fictional Ruritanian country the action is set in, pointedly remarking: ‘There are no revolutions in well-governed countries’.[1] It’s a clear message for cinemagoers, particularly those living in Britain, that revolutions only occur in countries without adequate governing structures. The implication, therefore, was that the British state, with its long-standing history of democratic government, could be trusted to solve any difficulties that the country was currently facing.

    Photography of the Jarrow marchers, 1936
    The Jarrow marchers, 1936

    And Britain was certainly facing significant difficulties in the decade in which this film was made. Suffering from economic decline, high unemployment and rising poverty, and confronted by a series of national and international crises, Britain was a divided country, with many of its citizens feeling deep social and political discontent. Historians have described the period as a ‘devil’s decade’, a near-apocalyptic era that witnessed a rupture in the normally stable system of government.[2] With many of the country’s inhabitants looking outwards towards Soviet Russia or Nazi Germany for an answer to their problems, this bubbling discontent was brought to the fore, and seemed to be encapsulated in, two events that took place in October 1936: the Jarrow March – when 200 men from that Tyneside town marched to London to protest about rising unemployment in traditional heavy industries; and the Battle of Cable Street – which saw clashes on London’s streets between Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts and 100,000 anti-Fascist protesters.[3]

    Photograph of the battle of cable street in 1936
    The battle of cable street in 1936

     

    On top of these tumultuous events, in December of that very same year the King, Edward VIII, renounced the throne so that he could marry the American-divorcee Wallace Simpson, creating a constitutional crisis.[4] The fallout from the Abdication crisis was huge. Society’s leaders were concerned that if this important pillar of the British constitution could fall, then so could the others – namely democratic parliament could come crashing down at the whim of political extremism. As a result, any depiction of revolutionary activity in popular cultural media, like film, became a touchy issue. The political censorship of the film medium thus increased dramatically throughout the decade, and any film that attempted to deal with some of the most pressing social issues of the day was likely to be banned by the British Board of Film Censors, the organisation in charge of overseeing the censorship of the film medium.[5] Reading the reports written up by the censors, it becomes clear that whether a film was passed or not was dependent on how it presented the ‘revolutionary’ element. In 1931, for example, The Red Light, a film said by the censor to depict London ‘on the eve of Red Revolution’, was prohibited. The film’s setting was its undoing – it was based too close to home![6] Another film, Red Square, despite being set in Russia, was prohibited in 1934 because it contained ‘sordid settings’.[7] However, two other films that dealt with the revolutionary topic, Soviet and Knight Without Armour, were allowed to be produced; the former because, the censor noted, it emphasised ‘the forced labour and hard striving of the working class under the five year plan’; the latter because, it made ‘no attempt at political propaganda’.[8]

    The censor’s comments about Knight Without Armour‘s political neutrality aren’t quite true, however. The film does contain political propaganda. In its depiction of the Bolsheviks it openly condemns revolutionary activity. Produced by Alexander Korda, another leading filmmaker of the time who was sympathetic to the British constitution, Knight Without Armour is set in the throes of the 1917 Russian Revolution and depicts the Bolsheviks as brutish, self-indulgent, and only interested in personal gain.[9] The country they have taken over is shown to have been thrown into chaos because of their activities. By contrast, the Russian aristocracy, epitomised by Marlene Dietrich’s Countess Alexandra, is portrayed in a sympathetic light. In one stunning sequence during which the revolutionaries storm the Countess’s palace, Dietrich is clothed in white and bathed in light: the embodiment of aristocratic purity and virtue.

    Photograph of Marlene Dietrich in Knight Without Armour (1937)
    Marlene Dietrich in Knight Without Armour (1937)

    The revolutionaries, in sharp contrast, are darkly attired and cast in shadow: a sinister, anonymous mob descending the hill to brutalise the Countess and lay waste to her home. By juxtaposing the protagonists in this way Knight Without Armour makes a powerful statement against Soviet Russia. It both instructs and educates the audience against the folly of trying to overthrow the system. It is film as political propaganda, persuading the audience to think in a particular way about the Revolution. In a time when the very foundations of British society were appearing to crumble, this was a very powerful message indeed. And this was undoubtedly the reason why the film was passed by the censors.

    Still photo from Knight Without Armour: revolutionaries
    Knight Without Armour: revolutionaries

    Of course, no film ever reflects reality, but all films will reveal something about the time in which they were made. And the British films that were made in this period that featured any form of revolutionary activity are perfect examples of this.

    The messages they presented to cinemagoers who may have been agitating for radical change were clear: any form of violent overthrow of the established order was to be avoided at all costs, and there would be no need for a revolution in this well-governed country!

     

    [1] Michael Balcon, Princess Charming, 1934.

    [2] Early proponents of this view include Noreen Branson and Margot Heinemann, whose Britain in the Nineteen Thirties (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971) painted a picture of a country on the brink of collapse.

    [3] Juliet Gardiner, The Thirties: An Intimate History (London: Harper Press, 2010), 441-446.

    [4] Frank Mort, “Love in a Cold Climate: Letter, Public Opinion and Monarchy in the 1936 Abdication Crisis,” Twentieth Century British History 25, no. 1 (2020), 30-62: 33.

    [5] Robert James, “‘The People’s Amusement’: Cinemagoing and the BBFC, 1928-48”, in Behind the Scenes at the BBFC: Film Classification from the Silver Screen to the Digital Age ed. Edward Lamberti. (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 16-27: 17.

    [6] British Board of Film Censors, ‘Scenario Reports’, British Film Institute, London. 15 December 1931.

    [7] Ibid., 22 February 1934.

    [8] See Ibid., 24 July 1933 and 18 February 1935 respectively. Soviet was initially opposed (Ibid., 11 March 1933) but was allowed to be produced after amendments were made.

    [9] Alexander Korda, Knight Without Armour, 1937.

  • Soviets and the Spanish Civil War

    Soviets and the Spanish Civil War

    Rory Herbert, final year History student and President of the History Society at the University of Portsmouth, has written the following blog on Soviet involvement in the Spanish Civil War. Rory is Gale Ambassador at the university and contributes to The Gale Review Blog. The role of the Gale Ambassador is to increase awareness of the Gale primary source collections available to students at their university. The University of Portsmouth Library hosts a large collection of Gale primary sources which History students can use when undertaking archival research for their dissertations and other research projects.

    Rafael Merry del Val (1865-1930) remarked in his manuscript on the Spanish Situation, written for Chatham House and accessed via Gale’s online archive, that Lenin viewed Spain as imperative to the eventual success of the Bolshevik revolution [1]. It should come as no surprise then that both prior to and following the outbreak of the civil war, the Soviet Union maintained a great interest in the outcome of this nation.

    To read the rest of Rory’s blog, click here.

    http://blog.gale.cengage.co.uk/index.php/2018/05/23/soviets-and-the-spanish-civil-war/

    “One of the Spaniards Fighting Their Own Battles: A Nationalist Soldier on the Santander Front in a Captured Concrete Dug-Out with ‘Marxist’ Inscriptions—’Death to Spain! ‘ and ‘Long Live Russia’.” Illustrated London News, 20 Nov. 1937, p. 893. The Illustrated London News Historical Archive, 1842-2003, http://tinyurl.galegroup.com/tinyurl/6YJha8. Accessed 18 May 2018.
  • Using Material Culture: The Russian Revolutionary Plate

    Using Material Culture: The Russian Revolutionary Plate

    Cameron Meeten, a second year History student at the University of Portsmouth, wrote the following blog entry on a plate produced in revolutionary Russia for the Introduction to Historical Research Unit. Cameron demonstrates how the plate gives us an insight into the ways in which the Soviets tried to steer and influence ideological thinking in the Soviet Union. The unit is co-ordinated by Dr Maria Cannon, Lecturer in Early Modern History at Portsmouth. 

    Russian revolutionary plate designed by Mikhail Adamovich, 1921

    Material culture is the use of objects created or modified by people which directly or indirectly reflect the ideology of those involved with their creation, as well as the beliefs of the society in which they were created. [1] This is evident in the Russian Revolutionary Plate, which was designed by Mikhail Adamovich, an employee of the State Porcelain Factory, designing plates portraying Soviet imagery for the use of the Soviet state.  [2] Before working in the factory Adamovich was a revolutionary guard and created numerous plate designs glorifying Soviet leaders such as Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. [3] The significance of the plate is in its representation of the Russian Revolution as a triumph over capitalism; this is demonstrated through the imagery of the worker trampling the word Kapital. The Russian Revolutionary Plate is, then, a valuable source of material culture. It is an explicit example of the socialist revolutionary ideology of its creator, and 1920s Soviet society more generally, and thus provides an insight into the components of the ideology which were valued and brandished.

    The plate was initially created in 1901, in the Imperial Porcelain Factory whilst Tsar Nicolas II was the emperor of Russia. Adamovich’s decoration was applied later in 1921. This can be used to show the intended statement of the design, as it demonstrates how luxury goods from the Tsarist autocracy were being overtaken and repurposed for socialism. The design of the red factory on the plate illustrates the Soviet rebranding of the Imperial Porcelain Factory into the State Porcelain Factory, symbolizing the fall of free market capitalism, and a heroic rise of a workers’ state. This demonstrates how consumer goods can be created as a form of propaganda. Indeed, this perspective is taken a step further by Samantha Oswald who claims that ornaments were created in the Polish Peoples Republic using the artistic design of socialist realism in order to forward the interests of the Socialist state. [4] Material culture can, therefore, be used to analyse political ideology through its representation in goods.

    However, Richard Grassby has stated that cultural historians can place too great an emphasis on the importance of the symbolism of material culture, rather than the utility of the object. [5] It is, then, paramount to keep this in mind when analysing this source, as this plate had the purpose of being Soviet propaganda. This idea is corroborated by Alison Hilton who argues that the Soviet-produced porcelain plates were not designed to appeal to the masses, but rather act as communicative tools for the revolutionary ideology, as well as a means to convey a positive image of the Soviet Union towards the elite. [6] Therefore, the plate is more useful as a representation of Soviet propaganda attempting to drive societal ideology, rather than as a genuine representation of the ideology of the people living in that society. The plate was created before the regime, yet redesigned in a state-controlled factory with Soviet imagery to convey a positive message about the ideology of the regime. This demonstrates how the utility of the plate changed with the redesign, from a luxury commodity, into state propaganda.

    Adrienne Hood argues that material culture is not a discipline in itself, but rather an investigation into cultural history using artefacts and relevant documentation. [7] The use of the Russian Revolutionary Plate highlights how relevant documentation is essential alongside the use of material culture.  The origins of the State Porcelain Factory detail the nature and purpose of these plates, whilst in isolation they have face value in their representation of socialist realism as an art form and Soviet ideology. Researching why these plates were made and how they were used amplifies their value as a historical source; for we not only gain knowledge of their use, but the perceptions of the ideas they portray too.

    One of the key debates among historians regarding material culture is whether it is created and defined by the market. This is highlighted by Grassby who states that early modern European societies incorporated economics and culture, with culture becoming a distributable commodity through which individuals measured their self-worth. [8] However, the circumstances of the existence of the Russian Revolutionary Plate demonstrate that this is not always the case, for in this instance the material culture represents the antithesis of a market itself. It can thus be argued that this is representative of the Soviet government-controlled market. This plate design was not created to be a distributable commodity; if anything its value is in the act of defacing a porcelain plate, which itself would have been a valuable commodity. Catherine Richardson argues that a European market allowed for cultural goods to be transferred between major cities in different countries, observing that these goods were important in “shaping individual and national identities”. [9] This demonstrates that the market is useful as an explanation for people’s interactions with material culture, and also indicates how societies acknowledged that too. However, this does not account for the historical significance of the initial utility and creation of such artefacts. The ways in which Western Europe reacted to Eastern material culture can be valuable in learning about Western European Society, but this tells us little about the material object, or the society from which it came. This is true for the Russian Revolutionary Plate, as focusing on it from a market standpoint loses the initial impact and utility of the object which is more valuable in the case of such an explicit depiction of Russian society.

    To conclude, the Russian Revolutionary Plate is a valuable historical source, as it illustrates the tearing down of the old system to be replaced by socialism. However, whilst symbolising a revolutionary attitude, it is not necessarily reflective of Soviet society, as the utility of the plate is, as a form of Soviet propaganda, an important distinction from its symbolism. This demonstrates the importance of analysing utility in addition to symbolism. Whilst providing historical value through symbolism, greater knowledge can be extracted through its use with additional sources to assess true cultural impact. The key debate as to whether material culture is created and defined by the market can be questioned in this case, for the plate is created not in a market sense, but rather an ideological one. The creation of the plate design does not originate in an incorporation of culture and a capitalistic drive for profit, but rather an attempt to reinforce a socialist ideology. This piece of material culture, then, provides valuable insight into the ways in which the Soviets wanted to steer and influence ideological thinking in the Soviet Union.

     

    Notes

    [1] Adrienne D. Hood, “Material Culture: The Object”, in History Beyond the Text: A Student’s Guide to Approaching Alternative Sources, ed. Sarah Barber, and Corinna Peniston-Bird. (London: Routledge, 2013), 176.

    [2] “A History of The World in 100 Objects, No. 96, Russian Revolutionary Plate.” http://www.bbc.co.uk/ahistoryoftheworld/objects/QReTVeCrQBW86UScSIMAtw, Last accessed 19 March 2018.

    [3] Victoria E. Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters Under Lenin and Stalin (London: University of California Press, 1999), 47.

    [4] Samantha Oswald, “Fired Ground: Warsaw’s History in Brick” in Objects in Context: Theorizing Material Culture ed. Stephanie Anderson, and Cierra Webster (London: Routledge, 2013), 50.

    [5] Richard Grassby, “Material Culture and Cultural History” The Journal of Interdisciplinary History 35, No. 4 (2005): 591.

    [6] Ian Wardropper, News from a Radiant Future: Soviet Porcelain from the Collection of Craig H and Kay A. Tuber (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1992) 50.

    [7] Hood, Material Culture, 177.

    [8] Grassby, Material Culture and Cultural History, 596.

    [9] Catherine Richardson, Tara Hamling, and David Gaimster, The Routledge Handbook of Material Culture in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 2016), 22.