Tag: Nazi Germany

  • Name and shame: how I reclaimed a lost identity

    Name and shame: how I reclaimed a lost identity

    The history blog is very pleased to host this guest blog.  In it Jeremy Schultz explains the reasons behind his grandfather’s decision to change his Jewish surname at the outset of World War II, and his own recent decision to change his name back again.  Jeremy is a psychotherapist, and the brother of Deborah Shaw, Professor of Film and Screen Studies at the University of Portsmouth.  Jeremy’s family history illustrates many of the historical issues encountered by our history students in their study of twentieth-century history: the pogroms in Tsarist Russia that drove many Jews to emigrate; racial prejudice during the 1930s against Jews in both Germany and Britain; the attempt by Oswald Mosley to establish Fascism in Britain; the internment of supposed enemy aliens during the war, even where, like the Schultz family, they had plenty of reasons to support Britain and oppose Germany, the complex process of assimilation by immigrant groups into British society.  It also shines a light on issues of racism and anti-semitism persisting in Britain today.  Jeremy has illustrated his post throughout with links to relevant documents, for those who wish to delve further into the history his story illustrates. 

    A little over eighty years ago my grandfather changed his name from Israel Shneor Zalman Schultz to Ivor Shaw. This act, immortalised as a statutory notice in the London Gazette of April 1940, exemplifies a process of personal transformation deeply woven into the stories of many immigrant families.

    Born in 1907, Israel Shneor Zalman Schultz was the son of Lithuanian and Belorussian Jewish immigrants and was raised in his father Abraham’s overcrowded tailor’s workshop in Whitechapel. By 1940 he had become Ivor Shaw, a respected architect living in St. John’s Wood who would soon rise to the rank of Major serving in the Royal Engineers during the Second World War.

    Photograph of Ivor Shaw, 1940
    Ivor Shaw, 1940

    Remarkably, on the same page of that day’s London Gazette, we find Abraham Israeloski choosing the new name Abraham Ingram, Nathan Levy opting for Norman Harrow, Harry Fink becoming Harry Ferguson and Myer Strumanger settling on Myer Stone.

    This apparent rush to anglicise classically Ashkenazi Jewish names can be partly explained by the onset of the Second World War and the obvious burden of carrying a German-sounding name, but it also demonstrates the inherent pressure to assimilate into a British society where names, along with accents and educational background are not only signifiers but crucially determinants of social standing and advancement. Although supposedly exempt from internment and restrictions, some 55,000 refugees ‘of the Jewish race’ in Britain were classed at ‘Category C Enemy Aliens’ by the Aliens Department of the Home Office in 1939 with sometimes tragic consequences.

    Add to this the growing threat of antisemitic attacks meted out by the Blackshirts of Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the 1930s, and it is clear to see why Jews such as my grandfather might wish to rearrange the Germanic or Slavic combinations of consonants and vowels contained in their names into those deemed more acceptable to the anglophone world. As recently as 2019, research findings demonstrated that based on their names alone, British citizens from ethnic minority backgrounds have to send, on average, 60% more job applications to get a positive response from employers compared to their white counterparts.

    Those Jews still living in Germany in the 1930s were afforded no such freedom over their own identity. In a chilling foretaste of what was yet to befall European Jews, a law was passed in August 1938 under Nazi Germany. The ‘Executive Order on the Law on the Alteration of Family and Personal Names’ mandated German Jews bearing first names of ‘non-Jewish’ origin to adopt an additional name: ‘Israel’ for men and ‘Sara’ for women on official documents. So the very name that my grandfather was free to change in 1940 was being forcibly added to the passports of his German counterparts.

    Page from the London Gazette, April 1940.
    The London Gazette, April 1940.

    The fact that Israel Schultz was born in London’s East End at all, and not an Eastern European shtetl was due to the migration of his father, my great-grandfather Abraham Schultz. Born in 1882, Abraham was only 14 when shortly after his bar mitzvah, he travelled over 200 miles from his birthplace of Meritz (present-day Merkinė) in Lithuania across the border to Latvia. At Riga harbour he was hidden on a ship bound for Hull in the north-east of England and greeted upon arrival by two maternal uncles who brought him to his new home in the East End of London.

    We can only imagine what drove Abraham’s family to uproot their 13 year-old son from his Lithuanian community and send him across the Baltic Sea to seek a new life in London, but the treatment of Jews in the Pale of Settlement under Tsar Alexander III of Russia is likely to have played a major part in this decision. In 1881, a year before Abraham was born, unfounded rumours of Jewish involvement in the recent assassination of Alexander II unleashed a wave of anti-Jewish sentiment in the shape of violent pogroms, and legislation was enacted in the ‘May Laws’ that imposed severe restrictions on Jews’ rights to live and work freely. Tellingly, in 1893, the ‘Law Concerning the Names’ was enacted, forbidding Jews from adopting Christian names and dictating that they must use their birth names in all official dealings. Consider also that the forced conscription of Jewish boys into the Russian army to serve in ‘Cantonist units’ for a minimum of 25 years had only been abolished in 1856. The Schultz family of Meritz would have had every reason to fear that such a policy would be revived, given Alexander III’s hostility to the Jews.

    In all, some two million Jews left the Russian Empire between 1881 and 1920, with the vast majority settling in the United States and Argentina, a smaller number emigrating to Palestine and around 200,000 reaching the UK. Prior to the Second World War the Jews who had remained in Meritz comprised around 350 families, but under the Nazi invasion of Lithuania, their presence in the town was obliterated in a single day. On September 10th 1941, 854 Jewish men, women and children were shot in the ditch that they had been forced to dig in a small pine grove beyond the town’s Jewish cemetery, thus ending over 400 years of continued history in Meritz.

    Extract from Abraham Schultz’s application for Certificate of Naturalisation, 1923
    Extract from Abraham Schultz’s application for Certificate of Naturalisation, 1923

    Growing up in London in the 1970s and 80s and named Jeremy Shaw, I became aware of the ordinariness of my surname. I mixed with a circle of friends whose more German-sounding Ashkenazi Jewish names hinted at a depth of heritage that mine lacked. I was at the same time envious of these more exotic-sounding names and yet relieved by the illusion of protection afforded by the Britishness of mine, revealing the conflict at the heart of my, and I suspect many 2nd or 3rd generation British Jews’ identity. I was somehow both ashamed and proud of my Jewish identity. Even as children, my friends and I would comically refer to each other’s names in an exaggerated German accent, a complex act simultaneously identifying with the aggressors who would other us, while acknowledging our difference and heritage with a degree of pride.

    Photograph of Ivor and Jeremy Shaw, 1971
    Ivor and Jeremy Shaw, 1971

    In the course of my work today as a psychodynamically-informed counsellor, I often ask my clients about their names. Thinking together about how their name was chosen, and by whom, reveals important information about their family of origin, such as who they ‘belong’ to or who holds the power in the family system. We also explore what expectations or fantasies that choice of name might carry; I am curious about how my client has responded consciously or unconsciously to these pressures and how such family narratives may have influenced their identity, relationships or sense of themselves in the world. Never is this more relevant than for my trans and non-binary clients for whom the rejection of their birth name and the choice of a new name is not just enormously empowering but a matter of psychological or even physical survival.

    Excerpt from Jeremy Schultz’s Deed Poll, 2021
    Excerpt from Jeremy Schultz’s Deed Poll, 2021

     

    Applying this mode of enquiry to my own name, it became clear to me that Shaw had served its purpose; a borrowed name that obscured rather than celebrated the family narrative of relocation and creative transformation. Defiant in the face of a resurgence of antisemitism in the UK, and confronted further by the gloomy shadows cast by Brexit, I felt the irresistible pull of my Old World roots. And so in 2021, reversing that decision made by grandfather over 80 years earlier, I changed my name back to Schultz.

     

  • Peter Misch (1909-1987): a holocaust survivor in wartime China

    Peter Misch (1909-1987): a holocaust survivor in wartime China

    Painting of Peter Misch by D. Molenaar surrounded by some of Peter Misch's paintings, displayed at the Department of Geological Sciences (now Earth and Space Sciences), University of Washington
    Painting of Peter Misch by D. Molenaar surrounded by some of Peter Misch’s paintings, displayed at the Department of Geological Sciences (now Earth and Space Sciences), University of Washington

     

    On 8 December 2021 our own Dr Rudolph Ng, Lecturer in Global History, presented a fascinating paper tracing the extraordinary journey of a young geologist who fled Nazi Germany in 1936 and then taught for a decade in wartime China, before making a successful postwar academic career in the United States. If you missed the paper, we have a recording available, so do get in touch with one of us (rudolph.ng@port.ac.uk, robert.james@port.ac.uk, fiona.mccall@port.ac.u)

    Misch’s narrow escapes from the Holocaust and the Japanese invasion of China (1937), his capture by the Chinese Nationalists (1942), and the impending Communist takeover in China (1946) highlight the tumultuous reality of academic pursuits in wartime. While conventional wisdom suggests scholarship suffered in war zones due to geographical displacements and lack of material necessities, this paper examines how teaching and research often flourished under such challenging circumstances. Misch’s story not only demonstrates his personal resilience and scholarly passion, but also how academics collaborated creatively, in the most trying conditions, in order to save lives and continue with their research.
  • Using Visual Sources: “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!”

    Using Visual Sources: “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!”

    Nia Picton-Phillips, a second year History student at the University of Portsmouth, wrote the following blog entry on a Nazi propaganda poster featuring Adolf Hitler for the Introduction to Historical Research Unit. Nia discusses the ways in which the image was used to promote various aspects of Nazi ideology. The unit is co-ordinated by Dr Maria Cannon, Lecturer in Early Modern History at Portsmouth. 

    The use of visual sources as a means of understanding the past has transformed historical knowledge. The ‘pictorial turn,’ as suggested by W. J. T. Mitchell, was “declared a new cultural phenomenon: a transition from a culture dominated by the book to one dominated by images.” [1] The value of visual sources is particularly prevalent in the study of Nazism. As John Tosh has noted, research “has been deepened by the study of official propaganda,” allowing scholars to understand how such propaganda was used to sustain the Third Reich. [2] The source in question is a propaganda poster of Adolf Hitler with the central slogan “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer!” (One People, one Country, one Leader!), which was widely distributed in Germany in the years after its commission in 1935. [3] As shown in this source, the Nazis manufactured propaganda to encourage confirmation from the public of a ‘national community,’ with the urge “to put ‘community before the individual’ […] and to place its faith in slogans”. [4] This poster, serving as a popular example of propaganda, as well as an attempt to restructure the ‘weak’ German society that was said to have been caused by the old Weimar system, enriches historians’ understanding of Nazi Germany through its symbolistic content. This source, and visual sources in general, highlight the benefits of the employment of visual sources to aid comprehension of the past.

    The uses of symbolism in visual sources, especially within the context of Nazi Germany, act as interpretative measures “which reveal the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class, a religious or philosophical persuasion.” [5] Politically, the slogan emphasised the desire for Nazi Germany to be a homogenous community, particularly racially. [6] This left an “indelible mark on the minds of most Germans who lived through the Nazi years,” because it appeared on a myriad of propaganda posters, as well being disseminated orally through speeches; an art of persuasion to transform the Third Reich into one total state. [7] The religious undertone of this source is reinforced when coupled with Hermann Göring’s comments that “God gave the saviour to the German people. We have faith, deep unshakeable faith, that he [Hitler] was sent to us by God to save Germany.” [8] The implication is that Hitler was ‘chosen’ to act upon God’s will.

    This poster of Hitler contains two significant aspects of Nazi symbolism: the swastika and Reichsadler (‘Imperial Eagle’). To understand the visual source, it is important to place these symbols in context, questioning why and how they became the most significant symbols of the Nazi party, stigmatised by connotations of genocide, hatred and racism. In this source, Hitler wears a red swastika armband around his left arm, as a representation of the Nazi party, an image which was “crucial to the spread of Nazi success.” [9] In Mein Kampf Hitler gave a National Socialist meaning to images such as this: “in red we see the social idea of the movement, in white the nationalist idea, in the swastika the mission and the struggle for the victory of the Aryan man.” [10] Although this turned the ancient swastika into a symbol of hatred, as a symbol for Nazi rule, it provided the visual identity and national image for success. The Reichsadler, seen upon Hitler’s brown tie, had been a symbol of national unity for many years. It originated from the Holy Roman Empire and was used in its original form until 1935. However, a different edition of the Reichsadler, combined with the Nazi swastika, became the national emblem during the Nazi movement, as ordered by the Führer. It is, then, integral to consider symbols within an image. In this instance they reveal to historians a great deal about Germany as a nation, Hitler as its leader, and the sense of ‘national community’ being promoted within Germany.

    As a consequence of the introduction of Mitchell’s ‘pictorial turn,’ the use of visual sources has been vastly debated amongst historians, such as Peter Burke, Stephen Bann, Francis Haskell and Peter Claus. Since the late eighteenth-century, “visual propaganda has occupied a large place in modern political history.” [11] Before its association with negative connotations, propaganda was deployed to promote “a particular goal […] desired by the propagandist.” [12] This goal, relating to this source, was to unify the German population with the creation of an intensified national awareness through the central idea of ‘ein Volk’ under the dictatorship of one leader. Claus recognised that to use visual sources appropriately, means to historically contextualise them beyond doubt, ensuring the sources can accurately enrich historical understanding. [13] Therefore, historians must place the source within its historical context but without limiting it. In this sense, “room should also be left for what Francis Haskell has called ‘the impact of the image on the historical imagination’.” [14] This extension of Burke’s argument allows historians to witness forms of past cultures, such as political life, religion, knowledge and belief. Bann noted that images bring us “face-to-face with history,” whereas Burke debates this usefulness. [15] The ‘silence’ of visual sources makes understanding their testimony difficult for historians, because sources “may have been intended to communicate a message of their own,” a message of which is not the historian’s. [16] This aspect, however, is sometimes ignored to ‘read’ visual sources “between the lines,” therefore distorting the meaning of the visual sources and thus distorting the historian’s understanding. [17] With sufficient analysis, and placed in their historical provenance, visual sources can and have provided historians with great insights of the past, further enhancing their understanding of particular issues.

    Ultimately, the Nazi propaganda poster analysed in this blog highlights the efforts of Hitler and the Nazi party to initiate conformity to a ‘national community’ with the idea of a great leader. This was a leader who would be “hard, ruthless, resolute, uncompromising and radical’; a leader who would be a “ruler, warrior and high-priest like.” [18] This was an ideal of leadership which Nazi propaganda proved effective in portraying in the form of Hitler. This effectiveness casts light on social ‘rationality’ in this period, and allows us to understand why Hitler was as highly regarded and supported by the German population as he was. Many people in Germany believed that Hitler would be the leader to resolve the mistakes of the weak Weimar system. Symbolism in visual sources is thus integral to understanding the meaning and purpose of the source, and in this instance that symbolism is used to illuminate the idea of Hitler as a significant leader during the Third Reich. While there are obvious risks in using visual sources for historical understanding, as Katy Layton-Jones has rightly noted, their use “by academic historians has become not only acceptable, but actively encouraged.” [19] Nonetheless, they should always be analysed critically with regard to the context and agenda of the producer, or propagandist, as in the example used in this blog.

     

    Notes

    [1] Sol Cohen, “An Innocent Eye: The “Pictorial Turn,” Film Studies, and History,” History of Education Quarterly 43, no. 2, (2003), 250.

    [2] John Tosh, The Pursuit of History: Aims, Methods and New Directions in the Study of History 6th ed. (London: Routledge, 2015), 208.

    [3] Heinrich Knirr, Color poster with a portrait of Hitler and the Nazi slogan: Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer, 1935, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/irn516176, last accessed 30 January 2018.

    [4] David Welch, The Third Reich: Politics and Propaganda 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2002), 61.

    [5] Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1939), 7.

    [6] Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer, https://collections.ushmm.org/search/catalog/irn516176, last accessed 30 January 2018.

    [7] Joseph W. Bendersky, A Concise History of Nazi Germany, (Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), 105.

    [8] Gabriel Wilensky, Six Million Crucifixions: How Christian Teachings About Jews Paved the Road to the Holocaust, (San Diego: QWERTY Publishers, 2010), 86.

    [9] Ian Kershaw, Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris, (London: Penguin, 2001), 320.

    [10] Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, (London: Pimlico, 1992), 497.

    [11] Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Uses of Images as Historical Evidence, (London: Reaktion Books, 2001), 79.

    [12] Aristotle A. Kallis, Nazi Propaganda and the Second World War, (Basingstoke: Macmillian, 2008), 1.

    [13] Peter Claus and John Marriott, History: An Introduction to Theory, Method and Practice, (Essex: Pearson Education, 2012), 263.

    [14] Burke, Eyewitnessing, 13.

    [15] Burke, Eyewitnessing, 13.

    [16] Burke, Eyewitnessing, 14.

    [17] Burke, Eyewitnessing, 14.

    [18] Ian Kershaw, “How Effective was Nazi Propaganda?”, in Nazi Propaganda: The Power and the Limitations ed. David Welch, (London: Croom Helm, 1983), 185.

    [19] Katy Layton-Jones, “Visual Quotations: Referencing Visual Sources as Historical Evidence,” Visual Resources 24, no. 2, (2008), 189.